One of the basic features of organizations is that they are made up from individuals and these develop conflict, authority and power relationships. This is something completely natural; however, being so complex, it has been looked up from different view points.
This paper focuses on Simon’s and Lorenzer’s ideas, with the aim of showing the individual can look at the problem both from the social or the personal side, completely changing subject’s perspectives.
Similarly conflict, even though it is perfectly natural in organized groups, for some it involves destruction, disintegration and it has only negative aspects as exposed by Parson. For other, there are totally opposed visions like Mayo’s, who considers it an equilibrium factor. University also of course fully identifies within this dynamics, and therefore it becomes necessary to
see this threefold relationship, both from the history and inherent synergies. The so called university
autonomy is a form of power which had Its origin in England, and has been taken up In other parts of the
world for universities to preserve their own identity, in Colombia universities also claim this autonomy
from legislative acts.

In Colombia, due to the war for the territory and to violence, thousands of communities are submitted to forced displacements: this uncontrollable force which today, dislocates, expulses, de-situates millions of people from their spaces and submits them to the dictatorship of intolerance.

In the text, The De-winged Goddess, the body is analyzed as a space and the problem of forced displacements is approached from an esthetical and communicational perspec­tive. In the body expressions of the displaced person, there is a projective representation of his story, of his silent duels, the uncertainty that marks him, the problematic which in essence has restricted his liberty, and of the independence to be decided upon.

Based on data and information both Anthropology and Communication Science, we take up in this paper the question about the other different and generally or commonly excluded. From Anthropology, we Insist In the Invitation to assume the knowledge of alterity as a possibility and not as anomaly. In a violent and excluding context with all the risk derived from modernity. And from the Communication, we center our 

attention in the various devices and tools to configure presence and Insistence of other in world where
what is at stake is the capacity to give including dimension to public aspects.

Considering what happened on September 11/01 in New York as maximum expression of irruption of East
into West, we touch upon such characters as terrorists and drug traffickers or drug lords who certainly
challenge the assumptions on which multiculturalism and interculture are based. In this context, media
act is a representation producers, a role in which they show their classifying as stigmatizing power under
the appearance of technological neutral mediating.

The political dimension in the discourse of communication directors on the corporate scene is a part of the research the discourse of the corporate communicator; and it is the result of an interpretation work of the data administered by the communicators of the twelve organizations that constitute the sample. Likewise, the title suggests a rectification which turns out to be indispensable and which has to do with the limits and reaches of the research, since the actors are, in their great majority, directors in the area of communication.

This essay aims at delving into the thesis proposed through the text: “The constitution of the Individual in the Discourse of the Corporate Communicator”, in which the political feature is sustained in the constitution of his identity as a strategist, as well as in the action he unfolds with the publics (internal and external) for the achievement of the organization’s purposes.

Now then, if in the aforementioned thesis, the emphasis was made on the building of the identity; in this case, the analysis is centered into the linguistic statements with which actions, purposes and strategic functions are expressed, which in turn acquire a political feature, as long as the strategist’s position responds to the function of an ally which the organization confers to him. In his condition of an ally, the Communicator will have to harmonize the exercising of a power which is only exercised by those who really boast of it; and hence, he will put his know-how to the service of the institution, a fact which, in the sphere of communication management, is translated into the ability for the symbolic control of the publics with whom the organization is related.

The aforementioned allows us to. argue that, although the communicator’s political aspiration is the positioning of the communication area in the domain of the organization’s high spheres which, in turn represents the acquisition of a prestige for him, the power that he reaches lies within his ability for: congregating wills, orientating the individuals actions, and positioning the organization in the business sphere; That is why it may be affirmed that the strategist communicator’s political action fulfills the role of an absorber or an “earth pole” of the power effects exercised by those who boast of it; and thus, his political purpose is to diminish such effects and to achieve the adhesion of the social actors (publics) to the interests of the institution. Nonetheless, such an action, far from being plain, acquires attention modalities in variances related to the administration’s style, as well as to that of the communicator.

For the effects of sustaining the political dimension of the corporate communicator’s discourse y, subsequently, the modalities his action adopts, the text presents the following structure: firstly, it is about contextualizing and delimiting the notion of politics, as well as its relation to power. Secondly, it analyzes, from the discourse perspective, a corpus of enunciations emitted by the communicators throughout the interview, having in mind the categories of: the action front, political reference, strategic function, and political purposes. Thirdly, an approximations is to the modalities of the communicator’s political action, parting from the identification of common constants or features. Finally, the contingent feature of the political action is approached, under the supposition that such contingency is determined essentially by three variances: nature of the organization, managerial style, and the communicator’s modality of administration.