Vol 20, No 39 (2021): July-December

The objective of this article is to determine the relationship between the social advertising of the
World Wildlife Foundation (WWF) and the environmental culture of young people in metropolitan Lima.
The purpose of the study is to analyze the graphic pieces used in a campaign of the aforementioned
foundation, since these elements have been created with the aim of reducing the consequences of
pollution, which is why the academic contributions achieved will be useful for further research. Similarly,
this study describes the social advertising pieces of one of the most recognized foundations for its
activist work related to the care of the planet. For this purpose, a combined methodology was applied:
a content analysis of the advertising pieces in question and a survey to collect the target audience’s
opinions on the graphic campaign carried out by the WWF for the end of the year holidays in 2019.The
most significant finding of the survey concludes that after being exposed to social advertising the study
sample presents a high degree of awareness regarding ecological and environmental problems, thus
understanding the arguments from the pieces disseminated on the fan page of WWF Peru. The research
concludes that in the future social advertising along with education will be able to reinforce the change
of behaviors and beliefs that serve to the right structuring of the environmental culture.

Cinema has become an effective tool in the dissemination of destinations over time, enabling different imaginary and national identity conceptions. From this perspective, the present paper aims to analyze how Brazil’s image has been approached in the national and international cinematographic works according to the perception of foreign viewers. From a mixed approach, a questionnaire was developed in order to assess how the foreign public has seen the country and to verify the relationship between the characteristics
attributed by them and the images portrayed in the movies City of God (2002), Elite Squad (2007), Rio (2011), Fast Five (2011) and Rio 2 (2014). The results show that the country’s image is stereotyped and that the clichés presented in cinematographic productions are also present in the discourse of the public that participated in the research. The paper emphasizes the need for actions to improve the national image present in the foreign imagination, thus reflecting directly in the promotion and increased flow in the tourist activity.

This paper analyzes the problems that Mexican cinema faced after the end of its industrial boom in Latin America in the 1960s, based on a case study: the strategies of a family of producers, the Calderón brothers, known for making popular-style films. The article also seeks to elucidate the ways in which industrial filmmaking in Mexico sought the continuity in the markets and the attraction of audiences in times of modernization and transformation of social paradigms, and to determine the narrative and aesthetic alternatives promoted by these producers in their films from the sixties to the eighties in order to achieve their permanence in the industry in the midst of the crisis. To this end, a general overview of the state of Mexican cinema at that turning point will be laid out in order to contextualize the case study. Through this methodological approach the aesthetic and narrative proposals put forward by the Calderóns will be listed, establishing a confluence between the context of crisis in Mexican filmmaking, the trend of aesthetic innovation and reflexivity of the so-called new Latin American cinemas that emerged simultaneously, and the
proposals of the Calderóns in pursuit of attracting audiences through the genres employed during
these years (fantastic and horror films, wrestling films and ficheras films). The results obtained
reaffirm the existence of a confrontation of tendencies in the Mexican cinema of the period that
opposes industrialist cinema with high culture.

This article seeks to analyze the treatment that the Chilean press carried out on the phenomenon of immigration during a year of broadcasts on the social network Twitter (between August 23rd, 2016 and August 23rd, 2017).

This phenomenon experienced an explosive growth in recent years in the country, changing the Chilean social landscape with the presence of Peruvian, Colombian, Ecuadorian and finally Venezuelan and Haitian communities.

This is a mixed study that uses data mining elements, to extract and refine data from social networks, and content analysis to classify the corpus of tweets emanating from the 290 Chilean media that we follow. Specifically, the following were analyzed: a) which media spoke the most about the issue, b) the qualification of the news, differentiating national from regional media, c) the voices of both individuals and institutions that spoke the most about the issue, and d) the most mentioned immigrants by the communities.

Among the results, the relevance that the press gave to political actors, who were the most mentioned, and the relationship between the largest immigrant communities and the appearances in the news stand out. For example, Haitians were the most mentioned foreign group, despite being the fourth largest foreign community in Chile, at the time of the study. While Venezuelans, who occupied the first place, in migratory volume, were the fourth group most mentioned by the press.

The second round of elections for the presidency of Colombia, May 28th-June 16th, 2018, was characterized by the absence of a debate between Humane Colombia and the Democratic Center candidates. The electoral contest focused on social networks and the two candidates used, through the Twitter social network, language strategies of opposition, resistance, cover-up, legitimization, and delegitimization that sharpened
the polarization between the call to nationalism, the safeguarding of the institutions, and a new country project. This article aims to demonstrate these strategies used by presidential candidates during the second round of elections that circulated on Twitter to capture potential voters.

The research uses a mixed methodology composed of two approaches. The descriptive analysis of quantitative type to recover the 391 trills issued from the Twitter accounts of Humane Colombia and the Democratic Center during the three weeks of the campaign. Subsequently, a critical analysis of the political discourse was carried out to establish the articulation of the relations between politics, social networks, and language. The findings indicate continuity in political practices concerning the two previous electoral
periods characterized by confrontation and hostility between two ideologically opposed blocs: right and left.

Corruption emerged as a public problem in Argentina during the 1990, promoted by emerging social groups that instituted it based on reporting strategies. Already in the 2000s, the issue stabilized in the media and public agendas, although linked to other actors, cases, and discourses. This paper aims to analyze the relationship between the media construction of corruption and its public perception in the Argentinian major cities: Buenos Aires, Cordoba, Rosario, and Mendoza. Based on a methodological approach that triangulates focus groups and a content analysis of the central news programs of channels 13 and 11 of Buenos Aires, 10 and 8 of Cordoba, 3 and 5 of Rosario and 9 and 7 of Mendoza, it is intended to analyze the mediatic and social relevance of the problem. Results evidence a high relevance of corruption in the news agendas, especially in those of the Buenos Aires media, which is consistent with some audience’s perceptions. A partisan coverage awakens a polarized and affective reception that affects the processes of victimization. Likewise, the greater
visibility of the issue in Buenos Aires raises divergences linked to the geographical variable, both at the level of content and perception. In relation to the public, results show that, although the audiences express a certain distance and disinterest, reception processes are observed that swarm between affective polarization and cognitive saturation.

Today, ICTs and mobile applications transform people’s lives. They are present in all areas and everyday contexts, in such a way that they offer different perspectives and approaches to take on challenges
such as those proposed by education in rural areas.

With this research, a proposal is created for the social appropriation of ICTs through micro-learning strategies mediated by mobile devices for the citizenship training of 10th and 11th-grade students in
a rural institution in Urabá Antioqueño.

The idea that arose during the execution of the project “Ecosystem of Digital Content for Apps in Urabá”, carried out between 2019 and 2020, was chosen by the Zapata Rural Educational Institution, IERZ, which provides its services to the Zapata district, Necoclí, for fieldwork between March and May 2020, for the commitment of the educational community and the advancements in the Eduapps process.

The methodology included: characterization of the level of appropriation in the face of mobile devices and categorization of how citizenship is evidenced from the daily school exercise. The knowledge was transformed into the micro-learning proposal, the Eduapps model, to strengthen citizen training.

In the end, it was possible to demonstrate that the proposal promotes training and tunes the academic community of the village based on the use of mobile digital tools and appropriation of didactic strategies, to understand the importance of assuming their own citizenship to build a peaceful territory and with a real exercise of democracy.

This article is an answer to the research titled as Evolution and impact of the Facebook social network as mass media for the Catatumbo farmers’ organizations Ascamcat and Cisca, developed for identifying the dynamics between the use of social media as a tool for broadcasting the activities of these groups, taking into account the importance of their media actions in the subregion of the North of Santander region, the Colombian Catatumbo, therefore its relevance for their inhabitants, who can take profit of this tool for their social progress.

The research gathered qualitative data through observations and semi-structured interviews, giving place
to the comprehension given by the 2.0 Web, and thus determining the dynamics that are a byproduct of the use of Facebook as a communication media by farmer’s organizations of the Catatumbo region, Ascamcat and Cisca.

For the Catatumbo’s Farmers’ Association and Social Integration Committee of Catatumbo, Facebook is a tool that works in three axes: making visible the activities developed by each organization; displaying the realities of each region, integrated by 11 municipalities in North of Santander and redressing the information issued by the national and regional mass media .

Therefore, even though the social network was not created or designed for becoming a mass media, it is, essentially, a window for displaying the realities of the Catatumbo region, redressing in some cases the hegemonic discourse of the traditional media: radio, press and television.

This article aims to present a state of art on the different modalities of media property recognized in the scientific literature. As a result of the media concentration processes that have been experienced in recent decades and the emergence of laws that regulate this aspect, the study of forms of media ownership has become an important issue for the field of Communication by the influence of property on the quality of journalism and democracy. However, many investigations suffer from theoretical vagueness, the little problematization of the category, terminological collisions, and many works dedicated to summarizing and systematizing the different modalities of media ownership today. The methodology used to construct the state of the question presented here was the bibliographic-documentary review. The analysis of research generated in different areas of the field of Communication made it possible to identify and recover the basic features of the forms of media property characterized in this article. Hence, the main value of this study lies in gathering, systematizing, and characterizing, based on six standardized dimensions, the nine main forms of property under which the media operate: individual private, collective private, non-profit foundations, cooperative, non-profit media organizations, community, political organizations, and civil, public, and state-society.

The objective of this article is to analyze the articulation between racism, communication policies (to promote or restrict racial diversity), and their reflection in the organization of media systems. This research is focused on Brazil and the United States, countries that have different trajectories in regulating and promoting racial diversity in communication. In the American context, there were explicit laws that restricted African Americans’ access to concessions, however affirmative actions were implemented to introduce greater plurality in the sector. In Brazil, on the other hand, there were no formal limitations, which, however, did not imply a reduction in inequality in the media structure. As a methodology, this investigation adopted a documentary analysis (laws and reports) to map communication policies and the participation of the black media in media systems, and interviews made with black media’s owners. As the main result, this research points out that the affirmative action policies to employ black professionals and promote greater racial diversity in this field are reflected, even today, in a more plural scenario in the USA compared to the Brazilian one. Brazil, with 56 % of the black population, has only 10 news websites and a magazine, while the United States, with 14 % of African Americans in its population, has over 500 black media. However, in the two countries studied, the difficulty of promoting racial diversity in communication is evident, either due to the obstacle of advancing the debate and the creation of these policies, such as the Brazilian case, or due to the setback and discontinuity of the affirmative action policy verified in the States United.